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This list of related (and updated) Britannica articles should help put the current Middle East conflict in context.

Israeli Perspectives on the Two-State Solution

Pro Con
“Israeli recognition of Palestinian statehood will tangibly advance the two-state vision and will eliminate the dangerous one-state vision that extremists on the right and the left are advancing, among us and among the Palestinians. We have to be honest with ourselves. There is simply no option beyond a two-state solution that will preserve the Zionist dream. One state would be the end of the Zionist dream and it would eliminate the dream of the Palestinians to have a state of their own. With this, we would doom ourselves to perpetual conflict, a lose-lose situation.” “If partition of this contested land was ever the just solution to the conflict, it ceased the moment one side refused. It was not a mere rejection: they launched repeated assaults to take it all by force. Returning Israel to its indefensible nine-mile waistline would once again place us in mortal danger, while rewarding the aggressor… In Judea and Samaria there is ample room for many Jews, many Palestinians and peaceful coexistence… After 20 years of failed attempts to reach a two-state solution, isn’t it time we admit our failures and move on? The time has come to invest in new, innovative paths to peace that unite people through acts of mutual respect.”
—Yehiel Hilik Bar, “Time to Recognize the Palestinian State,” Jewish Week, Jan. 5, 2015 —Dani Dayan, “What You Call ‘Settlements’ Are on Solid Moral Ground,” The Guardian, June 7, 2013

Palestinian Perspectives on the Two-State Solution

Pro Con
“The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has reached a critical stage. For more than two decades, the two-state solution has been the basis of international efforts to make peace in the region… A failure of the two-state solution will generate further instability in the region, strengthen rejectionist elements on both sides and likely mean that the conflict will drag on for generations… The Palestinian leadership remains committed to a peaceful, negotiated settlement to our conflict with Israel based on the two-state solution.” “Support for one state is hardly a radical idea; it is simply the recognition of the uncomfortable reality that Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories already function as a single state. They share the same aquifers, the same highway network, the same electricity grid and the same international borders… The one-state solution… neither destroys the Jewish character of the Holy Land nor negates the Jewish historical and religious attachment (although it would destroy the superior status of Jews in that state). Rather, it affirms that the Holy Land has an equal Christian and Muslim character. For those who believe in equality, this is a good thing.”
—Hanan Ashrawi, “Israeli Actions Jeopardize Two-State Solution,Los Angeles TimesNov. 15, 2010 —Michael Tarazi, “Two Peoples One State,”New York TimesOct. 4, 2004

Neighboring States’ Perspectives on the Two-State Solution

Pro Con
“The two-state solution is the only way to end the conflict and establish security and stability for the entire region. Israel’s security will not be achieved without… the establishment of a sovereign, geographically contiguous, Palestinian state along the 5 June 1967 lines, according to international accords and the Arab Peace Initiative, with East Jerusalem as its capital.” “The Zionist regime and the Zionists are a cancerous tumour… The nations of the region will soon finish off the usurper Zionists in the Palestinian land… A new Middle East will definitely be formed. With the grace of God and help of the nations, in the new Middle East there will be no trace of the Americans and Zionists.”
—King Abdullah II, “Interview with His Majesty King Abdullah II,” kingabdullah.jo, Aug. 10, 2014 —Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, “‘Cancerous Tumour’ Israel Will Soon Be Destroyed, Says Ahmadinejad,” france24.com, Aug. 17, 2012

UN Perspectives on the Two-State Solution

Pro Con
“Today marks the launch of the International Year of Solidarity with the Palestinian People. This will be a critical year for achieving the two-State solution, bringing an end to the occupation that started in 1967, and securing an independent, viable and sovereign State of Palestine living in peace and security with the State of Israel where each recognizes the other’s legitimate rights. I call on all members of the international community and, in particular, Israelis and Palestinians, to work together for justice and a durable peace. Israel and Palestine need to live up to their commitment to a negotiated two-State solution and resolve all permanent status issues, in accordance with Security Council resolutions, the Madrid principles, the Road Map, the 2002 Arab Peace initiative and existing agreements between the parties.” “I see it [the one-state solution] as a bold and courageous experiment in living together that is the only alternative to the perpetuation, indefinitely, of the current ordeal that has afflicted the Palestinian people and in a sense robs the Jewish residents of Israel of dignity and respect in the world as a whole… so long as there are these two separate states, or two distinct entities, or a single Israeli apartheid state, there will be hostility and enmity throughout the region. So if we want regional peace as well as peace for the two peoples, the one-state solution seems to me to be the only way to go.”
—Ban Ki-Moon, “Secretary-General on Launch of International Year of Solidarity with Palestinian People, Calls on Israel, Palestine to Honour Commitment to Two-State Solution,” un.org, Jan. 16, 2014 —Richard Falk, “Dr. Richard Falk Endorses One State in Israel-Palestine,”countercurrents.org, Nov. 1, 2010

U.S. Perspectives on the Two-State Solution

Pro Con
“We reiterate the urgent need for a two-state solution between Israelis and Palestinians… I continue to believe that a two-state solution is absolutely vital for not only peace between Israelis and Palestinians, but for the long-term security of Israel as a democratic and Jewish state… And I know that a government has been formed that contains some folks who don’t necessarily believe in that premise. But that continues to be my premise… That prospect seems distant now. But I think it’s always important for us to keep in mind what’s right and what’s possible.” “I realize that for the past several years there has been both on the Democratic and Republican side the notion that we will be able to achieve Middle East peace by something called the two-state solution. I wanna be on record, and I know that this would not even be agreeable to some of you, because there are many Republicans who think that the two-state solution is in fact a solution. I consider it no solution whatsoever. There cannot be two states polling for the same piece of real estate especially when one of those states does not believe the other one even has a right to exist much less exist peacefully. [Y]ou can’t have two governments wanting to own the same piece of real estate, so why don’t we leave it in the hands of the government to whom it was originally given and why don’t we leave it into the hands of those who will protect not only the antiquities but respect the religions, not only of the Jews, but also of the Muslims, and of the Christians.”
—Barack Obama, “Remarks by President Obama in Press Conference after GCC Summit,” whitehouse.gov, May 14, 2015 —Mike Huckabee, “Presidential Candidate Mike Huckabee at the Republican Jewish Coalition Presidential Forum,” c-span.or, Dec. 3, 2015

Is a Two-State Solution Still Possible?

Pro Con
“The two-state solution is still practically feasible – if only the political leadership could deliver it… The two-state solution is not dead yet, but it will be if people cease looking for creative and realistic solutions to the roadblocks, such as the huge task of moving out the settlers who would not be within the new Israeli borders. Just as it is unhelpful to harbor ‘cozy illusions’ about the feasibility of the two-state solution, it is equally unhelpful to make alarmist proclamations about its death rather than trying to substantively and constructively engage with the challenges in its way.” “Get over it, folks. Not happening. The time for a two-state solution passed in the previous millennium… It’s highly unlikely Israel will uproot its settlers, especially considering the strength of support they can summon in election after election. Not to mention, I do not believe Palestinians would accept the kind of state that’s condescendingly offered to them in any such conversation about two-state ‘solutions’. Any Palestinian state would have to be demilitarized, and who, really, would accept that… We’ve left the two-state solution long behind. God forbid we leave the one-state behind, too.”
—Zvika Krieger, “How to Evacuate 100,000 Israelis from the West Bank,” The Atlantic, Apr.12, 2012 —Haroon Moghul, “A One-State Solution for Israel and Why It Will Work,” Religion Dispaches, Mar. 24, 2015

Is the West Bank an Apartheid State?

Pro Con
“Apartheid is a word that is an accurate description of what has been going on in the West Bank, and it’s based on the desire or avarice of a minority of Israelis for Palestinian land… [Apartheid] is a word that’s a very accurate description of the forced separation within the West Bank of Israelis from Palestinians and the total domination and oppression of Palestinians by the dominant Israeli military… Withdrawal to the 1967 border as specified in U.N. Resolution 242 and as promised in the Camp David Accords and the Oslo Agreement and prescribed in the Roadmap of the International Quartet. This is the most attractive option and the only one that can ultimately be acceptable as a basis for peace.” “A one-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is upon us. It won’t arrive by Naftali Bennett’s proposal to annex the West Bank’s Area C, or through the efforts of BDS campaigners and Jewish Voice for Peace to alter the Jewish state. But it will happen, sooner rather than later, as the states on Israel’s borders disintegrate and other regional players annex whatever they can. As that happens, Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria is becoming inevitable… The so-called apartheid issue is a canard. Israeli Arabs lived under martial law between the end of the War of Independence in 1949 and 1966, and no one spoke of apartheid. Israel’s most pressing problem in the near future may be Arab refugees trying to get in.”
—Jimmy Carter, “Jimmy Carter Defends ‘Peace Not Apartheid,’” npr.org, Jan. 25, 2007 —David P. Goldman, “Between the Settlers and the Unsettlers, the One-State Solution Is on our Doorstep,” Tablet Mag, July 14, 2014

Was the Israeli Fence / Wall a Good Solution?

Pro Con
“In truth, what Israel built was a security barrier, movable upon the cessation of terrorism, an integral part of achieving an everlasting peace between Israel and the Palestinians… What Israel built was not a border, but a barrier against death and destruction. What Israel built was protection, not apartheid… Until the Palestinians choose to live side by side in peace and security with Israel as its neighbor, the fence will continue as an important part of meeting that duty. For not only during the past ten years, but for decades, Israel has weathered the bigoted misrepresentation of her true intentions to attain peace through security and the constant attempt to blame her for acts not done.” “Rather than create the outlines of a two-state solution, this wall will kill that idea for Palestinians and drive them, over time, to demand instead a one-state solution – where they and the Jews would have equal rights in one state… As Palestinians find themselves isolated in pockets next to Jewish settlers – who have the rule of law, the right to vote, welfare, jobs, etc. – and as hope for a contiguous Palestinian state fades, it’s inevitable that many of them will throw in the towel and ask for the right to vote in Israel… I have enormous sympathy for Israelis trying to deter suicide bombers. But to build a fence without a border, and without facing up to the contradiction of having Jews on both sides of it, will only bring more troubles.”
—Richard D. Heideman, “Wrongful Accusations of Apartheid,” israelnationalnews.com, Dec. 12, 2013 —Thomas L. Friedman, “Israel’s Wall Might Bring About a One-State Solution,” Baltimore Sun, Sep. 16, 2003

What Should be the Status of Jerusalem?

Pro Con
“[T]he two-state vision must become real in which the State of Israel will live alongside the State of Palestine on the 1967 borders in security and stability. The second most important section is that East Jerusalem be the capital of the Palestinian state. Jerusalem will remain open to all religions with arrangements between the two parties.” “Jerusalem stands, in a secular binational state, as the capital of all, with equal and free access to its venues. The capital, just like the rest of the Holy Land, must be protected and governed under secular laws that protect the civil and juridical rights of its people. This humanistic alternative that [Edward] Said and many other scholars from both sides argue for is the alternative to further outrageous colonial partition and/or continuous war.”
—Mahmoud Abbas, “Abbas Lays Out His Two-State Vision in Video Address to Israeli Security Conference,” mondoweiss.net, Jan. 2014 —Ibrahim Halawi, “In Memory of Edward Said: The One-State Solution,” Middle East Eye, Oct. 16, 2014

Should Israeli Settlements Exist in the West Bank?

Pro Con
“It is in Israel’s acute national interest to prevent the West Bank from serving as a terrorist base… While there are other moral and historic arguments why Israel and Jews have the right to live in the West Bank, the only REAL purpose of ‘settlements’ is to prevent the emergence of any ‘Palestinian state.’ No other rationalization or justification is needed.” “In addition to being illegal, Israeli settlements in the oPt [Occupied Palestinian Territories] pose the single greatest threat to a two-state solution, and hence, to a just and lasting peace. Settlements, their infrastructure and associated areas of Israeli control grossly reduce the amount and quality of land remaining for our future state and severely undermine its territorial integrity. Under the ‘land for peace’ formula contained in UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 and upon which the peace process is based, Israel is to withdraw from the territories it occupied in 1967 in exchange for full peace and recognition from its neighbors.”
—Steven Plaut, “Israeli Settlements: Not Just Legal, But ‘Necessary,’ Punishment Violate Medical Ethics,” Frontpage Mag, July 11, 2012 —Palestine Liberation Organization’s Negotiations Affairs Department (PLONAD) “Settlements: Our Position,” nad-plo.org (accessed Jan. 26, 2016)
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one-state solution, term used to describe various proposals for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that do not include establishing separate states for Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs. The term most commonly refers to the idea of Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs sharing a single state with full and equal rights for the populations residing in Israel, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip. The most common critique of such a proposal is that it would preclude the self-determination of either the Jewish people or the Palestinian people or both.

One state or two states?

The one-state solution stands in contrast to the two-state solution, in which Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs would have independent and mutually recognized states. Unlike the one-state solution, the two-state solution has been formalized in a peace process, which was established by the Oslo Accords (1993 and 1995). The peace process created the semiautonomous Palestinian Authority (PA) and set a tangible foundation for separate states. The process, intended to be completed by 1999, stalled in the late 1990s because of concerns about security, viability, and contentions over Jerusalem, Israeli settlements, Palestinian refugees, and other final status issues. As the only bilateral peace process enshrined in international treaties, the two-state solution of the Oslo Accords remains the consensus position of the international community.

Proponents of the one-state paradigm point to the failure of the Oslo peace process and raise a one-state approach as a potential alternative. As the peace process stumbled in the late 1990s, the Palestinian American academic Edward Said wrote in The New York Times Magazine, “It is time to question whether the entire process begun in Oslo in 1993 is the right instrument for bringing peace between Palestinians and Israelis. It is my view that…real peace can come only with a binational Israeli-Palestinian state.” Some analysts suggest acknowledging a “one-state reality”—an ambiguous reference to the continued entanglement of Israelis and Palestinians on the ground—as the starting point for negotiating a workable solution. Critics of the one-state paradigm note that it does not resolve the core tension underlying the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: the desire of two peoples for self-determination in the same land.

Common articulations of a one-state solution

The term one-state solution is most commonly used to refer to a proposed solution in which all permanent residents of one democratic state between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River would enjoy full and equal rights as citizens. It would involve a broad restructuring of the existing political system, whether beginning with the Israeli government’s conferral of citizenship on Palestinian Arabs in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip or beginning with the creation of a new state altogether. Mechanisms such as subjecting legislation on constitutional issues to a two-thirds majority vote have been floated to prevent a majoritarian state in which the demographic majority, whether Jewish or Arab, would govern unilaterally. Some proponents advocate a binational or consociational arrangement where a federation or confederation would jointly manage economic matters, security, and Jerusalem as a common capital but maintain separate political structures for Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs on some matters of civil law.

Other proposals call for a unitary state that is Jewish, Palestinian, or Islamic, with varying ideas about the rights and freedoms of the people outside the dominant group. Many right-wing Israelis advocate a one-state solution where Israel would retain its Jewish identity and symbols, with differing views on whether (and, if so, how) Palestinians would gain full rights of citizenship. When gearing up for Israeli elections set for 2013, Naftali Bennett proposed a “Stability Initiative,” in which Israel would control the West Bank but allow its Palestinian urban centers to remain autonomous in their civil administration. Another proposal, favored by former Israeli president Reuven Rivlin (2014–21), involved annexing the West Bank and extending full rights of citizenship to the Palestinians living there while retaining the Jewish character of the state. (The status of the Gaza Strip under the proposals by both Bennett and Rivlin was unclear.) Itamar Ben-Gvir, a far-right Israeli politician who became minister of national security in 2022, has suggested a one-state solution that would encourage Palestinians to emigrate. Among Palestinians, many express the belief that, in the absence of a negotiated solution, they will eventually control all of historical Palestine, although this view has manifested in opinion polling and has not been articulated in any particular plan. Hamas, an Islamist organization asserting that Palestine is an Islamic holy land, has traditionally called for a one-state solution that is Islamic in character, despite the number of Jews and Christians who live in the region.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia BritannicaThis article was most recently revised and updated by Adam Zeidan.
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