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Avi Shlaim, PhD, Professor of International Relations at St. Antony's College, Oxford, in his 2001 book The Iron Wall, wrote:
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"Victory in the Six-Day War marked the beginning of a new era in Israel's history -- an era of uncertainty. The victory reopened the old question about the territorial aims of Zionism...The question was what to do with these territories, and to this question there was no simple answer...
On 26 July he [Allon] submitted to the cabinet a plan that was to bear his name [The Allon Plan]. It called for incorporating in Israel the following areas: a strip of land ten to fifteen kilometers wide along the Jordan River; most of the Judean desert along the Dead Sea; and a substantial area around Greater Jerusalem, including the Latrun salient. Designed to include as few Arabs as possible in the area claimed for Israel, the plan envisaged building permanent settlements and army bases in these areas. Finally, it called for opening negotiations with local leaders on turning the remaining parts of the West Bank into an autonomous region that would be economically linked to Israel. The cabinet discussed Allon's plan but neither adopted nor rejected it."
Kenneth W. Stein, PhD, William E. Schatten Professor of Contemporary Middle Eastern History and Israeli Studies at Emory University, in his 1999 book Heroic Diplomacy: Sadat, Kissinger, Carter, Begin and the Quest for Arab-Israeli Peace, wrote:
"Submitted to several Israeli Cabinets for approval but not officially endorsed, the Allon Plan was initially presented in July 1967. The plan’s core assumptions included defensible borders as defined by Israel, a return of the densely populated areas to a 'Jordanian-Palestinian state' with Israel retaining control of the Jordan Rift Valley and mountain ridges to the west from Nablus to Hebron. Under the plan, Israel would assert and sustain military presence over the West Bank up to the Jordan River, the West Bank would be demilitarized, the Palestinians would be provided self-administration in an autonomous or semiautonomous region, and Israel would remain in full control over a united Jerusalem, with perhaps a Jordanian status in the Muslim quarter of the Old City.
Israeli leaders then ruled out the possibility of incorporating the West Bank Palestinian population into a greater Israel because it would have dramatically changed the states Jewish demographic orientation. When the Allon Plan was officially offered to the king [of Jordan] in cordial and secret talks in September 1968, Hussein rejected it because he felt it 'infringed on Jordanian sovereignty.' Nonetheless, the Allon Plan served as a basis for the Labor Party election platforms in 1974, 1977, 1981, 1984, and 1987. The concept of providing autonomy or self-administration for the Palestinians was offered by Israeli Prime Minister Begin to Sadat in December 1977 and enshrined in both the September 1978 Camp David and the September 1993 Oslo Accords."
Yehudit Auerbach, PhD, Head of the Division of Journalism and Communication Studies, and Hemda Ben-Yehuda, PhD, Senior Lecturer, in the Department of Political Studies of Bar-Ilan University, in the 1991 Journal of Conflict Resolution essay titled "Attitudes to an Existence Conflict: Allon and Peres on the Palestinian Issue, 1967-1987," wrote:
"The [Allon] plan called for a political settlement of the conflict
between Israel and the Arab states, based on the following themes:
Israel would not return to the June 4, 1967 borders; the Jordan River
would be Israel's defense border; Jerusalem, the capital of Israel,
would remain united; and a solution to the Palestinian problem would be
found as part of a peace agreement with Jordan. This plan was never
officially adopted by Israel's government, although it has never been
rejected either. Moreover, it shaped, to a great extent, Israel's
settlement policy in the West Bank and Gaza during the years from 1967